The Foundations of a
Chapter 1 -Reclaiming Our History
The Italian State, the Padanian Nation
The Italian unitary centralists have always, and at all costs, exploited
the ambiguous identity between the Nation and the State. In reality, they
were concerned and are concerned only with the State, or more precisely,
the semblance of the State apparatus used and exploited by the several
political regimes which have succeeded one another in ruling this territory
in the last 135 years with hardly any sense of the common interest.
The real protagonists of history, the People, have nothing to do with
the foregoing concept of Nation which is merely another way of defining
the State. If we accept that a State corresponds to a Nation, and to a
Nation, automatically, a People, this means that historical identities
and territories within the State which are different from the official
one cannot be recognized and must even be repressed. A partial exception
is made for a few communities which are blessed with the good fortune
of sharing their language with the people of some, possibly more powerful,
This aspect of the modern State is conceived of as the awful beast reproduced
in the "Leviathan" model from the treatise of the British philosopher
Hobbes. This is a State which often defines itself as the "fatherland".
Italian officialdom professes to teach us Padanians that we should regard
ourselves mentally and emotionally closer to the inhabitants of the sothernmost
islets off Sicily, than to, say, those of neighbouring Southern Switzerland,
sharing the same mood of speech with Lombardy. How can we build a Europe
of the Peoples on such an artificial basis?
In contrast to the Italian State which for 135 years has attempted in
vain to define itself as a Nation, Padania represents a potential Nation
in historical and cultural terms based on shared feelings and social and
economic interests, though still subject to an arrogant colonial repression
which by now has become intolerable.
Padania has always been part of Europe
For more than nineteen centuries of its approximately twenty-five century
history, Padania has been closely tied to the rest of continental Europe.
From the Sixth to the Eighth centuries, it was united under the Lombard
Kingdom, and from the High Middle Ages to nearly the beginning of the
Nineteenth Century, it was part of the Germanic Empire and the glorious
Republic of Venice. In contrast, Padania was under Roman government for
only six centuries: in antiquity, from around 200 B.C., when the Celtic
populations were conquered and subjugated, until around 285 A.D., when
Milan became the capital of the Western Empire; and from 1870 until today.
In the Low Middle Ages, Padania became the focal point of the rise of
the Free Communes, spearheading a movement which liberated new social
forces in Europe from the restrictions and privileges of the old feudal
order. This movement, along with the religious and social stirrings which
were the main features of medieval city life in the territories of Padania
and Tuscany, remained separate from the regions of South Italy. This was
a major factor in the development of profound differences in civil life
and social organization between the regions comprising the present-day
Italian State. The effects of these differences are clearly illustrated
in the study of Harvard University professor Robert Putnam.* These were
the years (1167) of the first Lombard League, a free association of Communes
not only of the present-day Lombardia, but also of other areas of Padania.
The League scored an important victory at Legnano over the Germanic Emperor
in 1176. This was a historical battle not so much for the number of armed
men who took part in it, or for its military result, but because it marked
the rise of the modern citizens' militia, the victory of free citizen
soldiers over feudal armies.
Padania was one of the European centers, in addition to Flanders and the
Hanseatic League, which gave rise to the Free and Autonomous Communes.
And not by chance, in the Late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the
Modern Era, these centers reached the heights not only of industry, commerce,
and finance, but also of culture, indeed, of Western civilization.
Chapter 2 - Reclaiming Our Geography
Official scholastic and non-scholastic texts of the Italian State claim
that "Italy is a perfectly defined natural geographical region",
thus rendering perfect homage to the cult of "the sacred national
borders" typical of nineteenth-century- style nation-statism. It
is evident that this "naturalness" is evoked to attribute a
legitimacy and a sacredness to political and historical constructions
in an attempt to juxtapose the distinct physical, natural sphere onto
historical, human events. It is a thinly veiled attempt to instill the
idea that the "Nation-State" is eternally defined by nature
itself. The would-be Italian nation-State is panned off as coinciding
with the physical peninsular region rigidly separated from the rest of
Europe by the Alpine mountain chain.
The habit of employing the term "Peninsula" as a synonym for
the territory of the Italian State is as wide-spread as it is erroneous.
A simple look at the map reveals that of the 300,000 square kilometers
of Italian State territory, only 130,000 are peninsular. The islands comprise
more than 50,000 square kilometers, while the remaining 120,000 are clearly
part of the European continental land mass. In spite of those who would
like to deny the evidence, Padania's geographical position in the center
of Europe has made it a strategic area for communications, and also for
warfare. In fact, from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth centuries, Padania
shared with Flanders the unenviable destiny of being the theater of conflict
between the major European powers.
When we hear people talk about the "northern part of the Italian
peninsula" in reference to the Alpine-Padanian regions, we must object
to the incontrovertible abuse of this expression. This expression more
accurately refers to Tuscany, the Marche, and Umbria.
The Alps: barrier or pivot-point
Communications across the Alps have always been an integral part of active
and continuous commercial and cultural exchanges both locally and as a
pivot-point in a vaster network linking the Mediterranean world with northern
Europe. Throughout the Middle Ages, pilgrims heading towards Rome or to
other centers of Christendom, repeatedly crossed the Alps as did merchants
and travelers. For centuries, transalpine communications have been more
active than those between Padania and the peninsula.
Even in the first years after the formation of the Italian State (1860-xxxx),
road links with central Europe were more numerous and in better condition
than those with Rome. Furthermore, major rail connections were constructed
through the Alps before those running through the Apennine mountains.
To this day, Rome has not found the time, from 1991 to 1996, to ratify
the Convention of the Alps, an international agreement for the development
of transalpine transportation and the protection of the mountain environment.
To debunk the "ethnic barrier" myth, it is enough to observe
that, as a rule, populations sharing the same languages occupy both sides
of the Alpine watershed. Going west to east, we find: the Occitans, the
Harpitans (French-Provençe), the Walser, the Romansch-Ladins, the
Baiuvars; and the Slovenes. In antiquity, the Rhetians and the Ligurians
had settlements on both sides of the Alps.
Chapter 3 - The Padanians Rise to Consciousness
Beyond the ethnic majority-minority issue
The embarrassment with which the issue of "independentism" is
faced, accompanied by the awareness of the artificial nature of the centralist
Italian political structure and its internal weaknesses and contradictions,
hides the insecurity of a system which cannot place Padania in the more
reassuring category of "ethnic and linguistic minority" used
to describe "traditional" claims for autonomy in more "peripheral"
With the extension of recognition of groups which do not consider themselves
of "foreign" cultures and languages and the implementation of
concrete measures for their linguistic protection, official Italian ideology
goes into crisis. The Italian State has always tried to link any form
of protection which it has begrudgingly conceded with a sort of classification
of these minorities as "extraneous bodies".
The Padanians' rise to consciousness will inevitably dissolve the by now
evidently artificial distinction between separate languages, "coordinated"
languages, and "Italian" dialects.
The Padanian linguistic area is clearly differentiated from that of the
Italic peninsula. According to distinguished scholars, the Romance languages
(neo-Latin dialects) are divided into two large groups: Western, including
Gallo-Romance and Iberic idioms; and Eastern, including Italia and Romanian.
The border between the these two groups can be represented by a line,
or more accurately, by a band which runs between the Ligurian Sea to the
Adriatic, and from Massa to Senigallia. The knowledge of this reality
undoubtedly has a significant impact on those who were exposed to the
propaganda of the Italian State. Knowledge of this reality is rigorously
forbidden in Italian schools so as to make people believe that our modes
of speech are dialects of Italian. This same propaganda is also projected
in schools and universities abroad.
How is it possible for a mode of speech to be a regional variant of a
language if it does not even belong to that language group?
The denied Padanian identity re-emerges with strength
The litany used to oppose the rise to consciousness of the peoples of
Padania is by now predictable: "Padania does not exist, Padanian
identity is ridiculous."
Why then fear something which does not exist? Why is it necessary to keep
Evidently the paid personnel of this regime, including the journalists,
do not even render a satisfactory service to their paymasters because
the more they insist on this line, the more people come to know of the
very reality which the regime hastens to deny.
The reality is that Padanian identity is certainly not "folklore"
meant in the limiting and derisive sense which, not by chance, has been
applied to the term. Let's examine why.
1. The Padanian culture is certainly not a local folkloristic version
of a more general "Italian" culture. It is an original culture.
This original Padanian culture is expressed not only in the realm of what
is pejoratively defined as the underclass, the material culture, or the
small traditions, but it is also expressed in the realm of "high"
culture (painting, architecture, literature). The inspiration of original
Padanian culture has always had strong transalpine ties and over the centuries
it has expressed distinctive creative forms which are one of the foundations
of the great traditions emanating from the artistic and politically autonomous
centers of Western civilization.
2. Padanian society and culture express the desire and the potential to
be at the forefront of modernization and the European integration process.
This can be achieved more efficiently and effectively without the ruinous
intermediation of the Italian State which merely represents a parasitic
The penetrating and persuasive strength of the Padanian identity cannot
be explained a priori as the reaction to the oppressive tax burden, the
mafia, uncontrolled immigration, the arrogant bureaucracy, the inefficiency
of the Italian State, the distortions of free competition, the rule-by-party
system, the systematic destruction of small and medium-sized businesses,
etc. All of these grave situations, even if considered together, do not
allow for a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. The reality
is that we Padanians identify Rome and the unitary Italian State as the
carrier of all these threats to the progress and stability of OUR life
in civil society. And we have steadily developed the awareness that the
problem can only be solved by us alone. The Italian State, the Italian
rule-by-party/vote-pandering system is a beast afflicted with incurable
ills which thrives on forcibly and deceptively holding together Peoples
of different civic traditions. Attempts at reform from within this system
have proved to be pious illusions.
Chapter 4 Padania Today Inside the Italian State
The impotence of the Italian State against organized crime destroys confidence
and leads to civil decadence.
As a result of the transmission mechanism of the centralist Italian State,
Padania has been infected with the spread of big organized criminal groups
which are alien to its civic traditions. Though the mentality of the Padanian
people does not allow us to accept shake-down payments as an economic
variable, giving in to organized crime becomes inevitable when the evidence
shows that the State is unwilling and unable to do anything to eradicate
the mafia-inspired culture and leaves the citizens alone in the defense
against mafia-style violence. When the mafia reaches the point of assassinating
judges who have done their duty, only to have other judges release the
criminals from prison, when released mafia bosses order the murder of
police officers who investigate mafia crimes, when, despite bureaucratic
anti-mafia procedures which bog down and offend honest business people,
public work contracts still wind up in mafia hands, it becomes clear that
there is no political will to defeat the mafia for the simple reason that
the Mafia is inside the State. Graver still is that the State cannot and
will not defend its own representatives who nonetheless attempt to combat
the mafia despite all the obstacles (purposefully) placed in their path
incredibly explained by a "lack of coordination" and by a perverted
concept of legal guarantees.
The Italian State bears the historic responsibility for the spread of
organized crime in Padania. Freeing Padania means breaking the transmission
mechanism which has infected it with the cancer of the Mafia. Failure
to free Padania means not only the decay of our original culture and economy,
but it also means the spread of the Mafia transmission mechanism throughout
the European Union. Securing the freedom of Padania is our solemn moral
The demographic collapse of Padania: a pre-announced catastrophe
Perhaps nothing more vividly illustrates Padania's urgent need to take
its destiny into its own hands than the drastic demographic changes which
are about to befall it.
There is a simple and fundamental truth which is rendered imperceptible
by the structure of the centralist Italian State together with purposeless
materialism: the negative rate of population growth in Padanian communities
of both the mountains and the plains has reached such a high level that
the population will be halved within a generation. Padania is steadily
and rapidly becoming a population of retirement-aged people without an
adequate number of young people to care for them materially and emotionally.
In short, our people risk moving down the path to extinction.
This situation is absolutely pathological for which there is no comparison
elsewhere in Western Europe. Countries like Great Britain, Norway, France,
and Sweden report an average of 13-14 births per year per one thousand
inhabitants while in Padania the rate has fallen to around 7 per thousand.
The fact is that today Padania remains an advanced society trapped inside
a State entity which does not allow it to manage its own problems arising
from industrial and post-industrial development, the first among which
is the risk of failing to adequately reproduce itself. But the very reality
of this problem is hidden by the Italian State. Padania's incredibly low
birth rate hardly ever appears in official statistics. It is almost always
shown as an average which includes South Italy's naturally much higher
rate of birth. We all know that today's family relief checks are a joke,
while Padania's resources are systematically siphoned off.
In any case, it seems that the ruling classes want it this way. Among
other things, based on current demographic trends and institutional arrangements,
within twenty years South Italy will send dozens more representatives
to the Italian Parliament at the expense of Padania in a zero-sum game.
At that point, the political representation of Padania in Rome will become
a mere nuisance for the Italian State. Therefore, it is imperative that
Padania break out of this system before it is too late.
Padania is not protected from the impact of massive non-European immigration
which not only is often a painful experience for the immigrants themselves
and causes serious problems of public order, it also endangers the identity
of our Peoples.
It is estimated that within a few years, the Maghreb countries alone will
have to create 3 million new jobs per year. Even the most enthusiastic
pro-immigration policy-makers realize that Europe will never be able to
create enough new jobs to relieve the pressures of the growing populations
of North Africa. The point is that a People have the human right not to
be invaded by other Peoples, this risking to become foreigners in their
The pressures of unemployment and the demoralization of living under the
authoritarian regimes which govern many Third World countries explain
why many young people attempt the adventure of emigrating. Very often,
people do not emigrate to learn a trade, to save up a nest-egg and return
home; they emigrate for a more general desire to live better, to stay
in what appears from afar - perhaps through some television show - as
a kind of paradise where there is wealth for everyone without having to
work for it and where it seems that anything goes.
Beyond the rhetoric and the daily brainwashing perpetrated by the Italian
mass media, citizens of all ideological leanings are becoming aware of
the open exploitation of immigration on the part of politicians, organized
criminal groups, and the Unions who stand ready to manipulate the immigrants
to their own advantage in complete disregard for the common good.
The orphans of Marxism are among the most fervent supporters of an immigration
policy without limits, of immediate granting of all kinds of welfare rights
to the new arrivals. From their point of view, there are evidently many
advantages to this transaction. Through the building of a "fifth
column", the formation of a new proletariat, these political groups
permanently gain consensus based on the very ethnic factors which they
pretend to deny.
Justified by the "need for labor", unplanned immigration incompatible
with the criteria of comparative advantage only aggravates the already
chronic problem of structural unemployment, giving rise to frustrations
and hatred, however misplaced they may be. Examples are provided by the
frequent explosions of violence which occur in nearby cities such as Paris,
Brussels, and Marseilles.
By what design are the ruling classes of the Italian State favoring an
immigration policy which may lead to the most terrible forms of conflict?
Discrimination and exploitation
From the Declaration of Independence of Padania proclaimed at Venice on
15 September 1996:
"The Italian State has systematically annihilated every form of
autonomy and self-government of our Towns, our Provinces, and our Regions;
The Italian State has deceptively forced the Peoples of Padania to be
subjected to systematic exploitation of their economic and financial resources,
built up through years of tireless daily work, to squander them on devastating
welfarism, the vote-pandering system, and mafia-style corruption in the
The Italian State has deliberately attempted to suppress the languages
and the cultural identities of the Peoples of Padania through the colonization
of the public education system."
We trust that all persons of good will who have had first-hand experience
with the Italian State can confirm the truth of the foregoing declaration.
The de facto exclusion of Padanians from public administration and decades
of racketeering have alienated Padanian citizens from an Italian State
which can no longer fulfill its mission as guarantor of the common interest.
The Italian State is perceived as something which does not pertain to
Chapter 5 Padania Towards a Europe of the Peoples and of the Regions
What kind of European integration will develop?
A no less pressing need is developing in Europe for a system of regulations
for governing fundamental economic and environmental choices allowing
people to feel closer to the political institutions which more accurately
reflect their spheres of identity. At the same time, such a system must
be robust enough to meet the challenges of preparing local and European-wide
economies for the increasingly interdependent and competitive global marketplace.
Therefore, European integration is not, and should not be, only a response
to the recognized inadequacies of the traditional forms of sovereignty
of small and medium-sized States concentrated in one of the most developed
parts of the world. It also represents the natural environment in which
to give a greater voice to the values and rights of European populations.
Integration means seeking out all that is shared in common and appreciating
all that is specific. From the Mediterranean to the North Sea, Nations
without a State, quasi-Nations, and regional groupings recognize this
The response to these needs is a Europe of the Peoples, of the regional
communities, and of the local communities. It is the only Europe in which
the citizens can experience a democracy based on the consensus of the
governed and an authority which is exercised with respect for individuals
and groups. It is the only Europe which can deliver us from the sad destiny
of becoming hapless subjects as a result of a mere transfer of power from
the bureaucratic State capitals to the super-bureaucratic institutions
With the weakness of the would-be Nation-States, historical regions
and ethnic nationalities emerge
Historical regions, religious groups, and linguistic groups which have
been part of single would-be nation-States, in some cases, for centuries
(for example, in France and in Spain), and which centralist authoritarianism
succeeded in repressing only superficially, are re-emerging. Padania's
demands for autonomy confirm once again that our Peoples are the forerunners
of fundamental movements in the most advanced parts of Europe. In spite
of what the State-owned Italian mass media would like to make people believe,
"localism" is not a sign of backwardness. On the contrary, the
evolution and forward development of our movement is unstoppable. It is
a European-wide phenomenon which the retarded and provincial Italian State,
culturally and economically mired in the backwaters of Europe, cannot
and wishes not to see for evident reasons of self-interest.
Many Western ethnic and regional communities demand recognition of autonomy
within a framework of regional or federalist institutions, or else greater
autonomy than is currently attainable, or even independence from their
respective present-day States. The different demands ranging from full
sovereignty to basic cultural autonomy correspond to the level of self-awareness
and identity achieved up till now by the respective groups. Consequentially,
it is difficult to classify this movement into a single category. However,
in its entirety, it reflects a need to re-affirm feelings of belonging
common to all advanced industrial societies of Western civilization.
Padania, therefore, envisions a Europe of the Regions and of the Peoples;
a Europe much different from the present one which, in many respects,
is the result of compromises between States and international lobbies.
This is why the Padanian movement can be the beginning of a general European
Padania in a straight-jacket
Though Padania's per-capita Gross Domestic Product is one of the highest
in the Europe Union, despite its economic strength, as a result of the
ruinous intermediation of the Italian State:
- Padania risks being excluded from European Monetary Union and, as a
consequence, from the inner circle of European integration. In this way,
it will be kept away from an area to which it belongs historically, economically,
- our local governments are systematically deprived of the resources necessary
to solve local territorial problems, both in the big cities and in the
mountain-valley towns, concerning such issues as environmental protection
and the development of transportation infrastructure, while our health
care system and our schools fall short of European standards;
- the well-being of our future generations has been jeopardized by a national
debt, accumulated by the Italian State, totaling more than 120% of Italy's
GDP, to finance profligate spending on political patronage.
Why does this situation exist? Why do we have to be subjected to this
discrimination? Why do we have to be made to feel alienated? Because Padania
is not yet today a political entity. Because Padania is rigidly confined
inside the centralist Italian State.
What does Padania Want ?
PADANIA WANTS TO BE FREE
Free from the oppression of Roman-style centralism.
Free from the cancer of the Mafia.
Free to manage its own problems.
Free to remain part of Europe.
Free to compete in international markets.
Free to assist in the growth of peoples with less developed economies.
Free to preserve and promote its own cultural identities.
Free to be itself!